by Rory Davenport
Category: Corporate Affairs, Issue Management, Public Affairs
We held another National Security Strategy lecture as part of Ogilvy Exchange last week. It featured Price Floyd, the Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs. Price talked about how the Department of Defense is using social media and his presentation was a big hit. And rightfully so. National Public Radio was right when they called Price a social media guru. You should take a look at the enhanced DoD website.
You can get part 1 of the discussion here.
You can get part 2 of the discussion here.
by Nu Wexler
Category: Public Affairs
Last week, the Defense Department’s social media guru, Price Floyd, visited a packed house at Ogilvy Washington for the latest installment of our National Security Strategy lecture series.
Floyd’s presentation explained the various new media channels the Pentagon is using to communicate with the public, potential recruits and its 2.6 million military servicemen and women around the world. Fascinating stuff, especially coming from a government agency that hasn’t been as open as many others. See for yourself below, and let us know what you think.
Part I:
Part II:
Presentation:
by Greg Stanko
Category: Public Affairs
The New York Times‘ “Green Inc.” blog had a very interesting article this morning on compact fluorescent light bulbs (C.F.L.s) and the public’s apparent disdain for the product. Several key paragraphs…
In a September 18 letter to C.F.L. industry stakeholders, Richard Karney, Energy Star products manager, said that national sales of the bulbs have declined 25 percent from their peak in 2007, with sales in some regions such as Vermont and parts of Massachusetts declining 35 to 50 percent. Further, he noted, shipments of C.F.L.s — which are supposed to last far longer than traditional incandescents – are down 49 percent in 2009 over 2007 levels….
Despite more than a decade of costly C.F.L. promotions — including giveaways, discounted prices and rebates — the bulbs have failed to capture the hearts (and sockets) of American consumers. Mr. Karney said that in regions where C.F.L. campaigns have been heaviest, 75 percent of screw-based sockets still contain incandescents. Nationally, about 90 percent of residential sockets are still occupied by incandescents, D.O.E. has reported….
“For those who believe The Energy Independence and Security Act of 2007 will make C.F.L.s the default choice for consumer lighting needs,” wrote Mr. Karney, “I again urge caution.”
Obviously, this is not what supporters of this provision of the Act expected. After a decade of work, a coalition of environmental groups, labor and some manufacturers finally Congress and President Bush to pass a law that marked the beginning of the end for the old incandescent light bulb. For the longest time, two of the biggest challenges this coalition faced were price and quality. The bulbs were significantly more expensive and many consumers found the light put out by the bulbs too harsh (they also didn’t work with dimmer switches). But technical improvements, advocates argued, combined with cost savings (these bulbs use less electricity than traditional bulbs) and a greener consumer were supposed to make C.F.L.s acceptable to, if not popular with, the public.
Now two years, the technical flaws have begun to go away. Many low cost bulbs now cost about $2 (still much more expensive than traditional bulbs, but still a lot better than before). There have also been a lot of advancements in lighting technology so the difference if quality has also gone down. (And some work with dimmers!)
So why is the public not buying?
Obviously, this is a public policy blog, not a marketing one, but I think it is fair to say that cost is still a factor. But since there have been both subsidies and public education campaigns in support C.F.L. adoption, what happens, as the article states, as we get closer to 2012 and the public can no longer purchase traditional bulbs? Will governments continue to fund education programs, such as the one in California that the article mentions? Does the U.S. government delay the phase out? Or will the government essentially tell the American public to “deal with it?” A couple of snide Wall Street Journal editorials talking about the failure of government to pick winners and losers are guaranteed, but will there be any long-term political implications?
Time will tell, but this will be an interesting subject to watch over the next several years. What do you think?
by Rory Davenport
Category: Corporate Affairs, International Affairs, Issue Management, Public Affairs
If you’re reading this post, you are aware (maybe painfully knowledgeable) of the rapidly changing media landscape. My colleagues and I are constantly talking about shrinking newspapers and news programs that are devoting less time to news and providing less hard news within the contracted newscast.
Clearly, the future of the news media is cloudy and that is a shame because we need professional journalists, editors, columnists, photo journalists, producers, editorial writers and op-ed editors to report and provide context. I know that the digerati believe the social media arena is filling the void and creating new outlets. I agree (to a degree) but I also believe the social media space is a poor news generation vehicle. It largely remains a means to circulate news and opinions (some informed and some not so much).
The future of newspapers is a particular concern because it is home to the op-ed. While a good op-ed can be difficult to craft and unbelievably challenging to place, it is king in the public affairs realm. There are several reasons why I hail the venerated op-ed. First, it establishes a company or trade association as a thought leader on a subject, which provides a competitive advantage in the world of ideas, public opinion and policymaking. Second, it allows a company or association to state its case and advocate for its point of view. Lastly, it can drive social media.
Think about this: op-eds are picked up by bloggers, Twitter addicts, Facebook users and people from all corners of the social media universe. It is the content that the social media sphere craves. Op-eds are linked to, quoted from, and serve as material for an array of online commentary.
So, social media devotees can join me in hailing the op-ed, which appears to also be the king of the social media empire.
by Jamie Moeller
Category: Public Affairs
As Carl Hulse and Jeff Zeleny reported in the New York Times, the Democrats appear to be preparing to go it alone on health care reform while trying to hang the obstructionist tag on the Republicans.
While there are obvious dangers to abandoning bipartisanship on such a hot-button issue, you have to wonder what took them so long.
Bipartisanship sounds like a good idea and polls show most Americans want the parties to work together to solve big problems. This of course led President Obama to talk about reaching across the aisle during his campaign and in the early days of his presidency. He took it one step further and appointed Republicans to high-ranking positions — Defense Secretary Robert Gates, Ambassador Jon Huntsman among others.
And bipartisanship gives the governing party some political cover. It would be hard for Republicans to criticize the Democrats about the outcome of health care reform if they voted for it.
But the reality is that bipartisanship is hard to achieve and is no guarantee of public policy success.
For example, The Gulf of Tonkin Resolution passed the Senate with only two dissenting votes, hastening the escalation of the Vietnam War. Perhaps a little obstruction might have been a good thing. Similarly, the Iraq War resolution passed with broad bipartisan support, as Democrats tried to burnish their war on terrorism credentials.
On the flip side, some very successful public policy has been enacted along straight party lines. Medicare passed without a single Republican vote and is today one of most successful and popular of all government programs.
Bill Clinton’s economic package of budget cuts and tax increases passed in 1993 without a single Republican vote, ushering in eight years of prosperity and balancing the federal budget.
In the end, the success of health care reform will not be judged by how many Republicans (or Blue Dogs) vote for it. It will be judged by how well it works. Democrats won’t be punished for pushing through reform without Republican support. They will be punished if they fail to act, or if what they unilaterally enact fails.
The stakes are high for both parties, but sometimes going it alone is not so bad.
by Greg Stanko
Category: Public Affairs
Maureen Dowd has a column in The New York Times today giving Sarah Palin some credit for derailing President Obama’s health care reform package. Death panels and all that.
Umm. Nope.
No disrespect to the former governor of Alaska, but the problems with the selling of health care reform squarely sit at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.
Why? Read this article in the same New York Times. Might one think that the Net Roots are not as bought in as people think?
Or is there another reason The Drudge Report currently shows a white flag?
by Natalie Sarkic-Todd
Category: Public Affairs
As the world’s focus turns towards the Copenhagen climate change summit (COP15) at the end of the year, public affairs consultants are turning their attention to how to navigate the political milestones on the “Road to Copenhagen”.
Politicans, policymakers, academics and NGOs have been busy preparing for COP 15: from the UN meeting (COP 14) in Poznan last December, the academic conference on climate change in Copenhagen this March, technical meetings in Bonn, G8 environment ministers’ meetings in Italy, the EU-US summit in Prague to the G20 meeting in London. The European Commission’s whitepaper on adapting to climate change, the sustainable development conference in Brussels in May and the EU’s annual Greenweek event in June all point the way towards Copenhagen.
Companies have been understandably pre-occupied with the financial crisis and subsequent global recession. But clients are waking up to the opportunities of public sector funding for clean technologies and investment in sustainable solutions. The stimulus packages may just offer a lifeline for those who will drive the engine of the sustainable economy.
CEOs of major corporations came together at the World Business Leader’s Summit on climate change to pledge support for the Copenhagen Summit and a successor to the Kyoto Protocol. But what about the many other companies with sustainable products and services? What role they should play in the run up to Copenhagen and beyond?
The answer is to concentrate on where the political and financial support is being targeted and anticipate the regulatory measures that will support sustainable markets and consumption. Use public affairs consultants not to lobby against sustainable industry measures, but to promote understanding amongst officials and politicians of the potential of business to contribute to a sustainable economic recovery.
Are companies in a position to influence the outcome of Copenhagen? Probably not. But they are in a position to align their strategies and research and development programmes with probably the most significant confluence of world opinion on the need for business and politics to forge a sustainable new world order. Our future economic and global development depends on it.
Simply promoting a company’s “green” credentials in the run up to Copenhagen is missing the point. Advising companies on the landscape and opportunities that lie between now and then, and most importantly beyond the event itself, is arguably the greatest challenge facing public affairs consultants today. And if you are still not convinced, visit the Hopenhagen site to see the compelling campaign developed by Ogilvy to spread the word that our future is in our hands.
by Greg Stanko
Category: Public Affairs
The TV Newser Headline says it all … “Olbermann Mocks FNC; O’Reilly Silent.”
Olbermann further explains his position in a post on Daily Kos.
So, was the New York Times’ Brian Selter acting as a tool for News Corporation as Olbermann charged? Was the new TV Newser right in claiming that the original TV Newser got it wrong?
My guess is that we won’t have to wait to my 200th post to know for sure (this is 100).
by Jamie Moeller
Category: 2010 election, Congress, Issue Management, health care
Cross Posted on The Huffington Post.
From the outset of their efforts to enact health care reform, the Obama White House has conspicuously attempted to avoid the pitfalls that doomed Bill and Hillary Clinton’s attempt in 1994. Learning from the mistakes of that failure was made easier by the fact that many of the key players in the current White House and Congress had front row seats in 1994 as a once-in-a-generation opportunity was squandered.
Clearly the White House set out to follow a different playbook. For all her accomplishments and talents, the President wisely did not put Michelle Obama in charge of the effort. Nor did he appoint a modern-day Ira Magaziner — a kind of policy wonk meets mad scientist — to help create a new health care system.
Rather than try to create the system behind closed doors, the White House invited the key stakeholders in — insurance companies, providers, pharmaceutical companies, retirees, unions. And rather than pillorying the industries that have a vested interest in the current system, they negotiated with them.
Instead of trying to deliver a fully-baked plan to Congress and insist upon its passage, the Administration has let Congress work through the issues and try to settle the details. Not surprisingly, this has led to very public and very ugly sausage-making that has clearly helped dampen many American’s enthusiasm for health care reform.
But the one lesson this White House failed to heed from the last failure was one of message. Much like the Clintons in 1994, the Obama Administration has — at least until now — lost the message battle and it may cost them the war.
While it’s hard to remember today, the stars were much more aligned 15 years ago for comprehensive reform than they are today.
A little-known Democrat, Harris Wofford, won a special Senate election in Pennsylvania in 1991 running almost exclusively on reforming the health care system. There was widespread anger and fear among voters that Bill Clinton successfully tapped into in his 1992 campaign, taking a page directly out of Wofford’s upset victory (not coincidentally, both campaigns were managed James Carville and Paul Begala).
Clinton launched his campaign for health care reform with a well-received speech before a joint-session of Congress. In response to the speech, even then GOP Senate Leader Bob Dole said, “I think we can work with the President on this.”
But for all the advantages they had, we all know the end of the story — reform died on the vine. While the tactical missteps played important roles, it was the lack of a compelling message platform to package and sell comprehensive reform that doomed it.
While Hillary Clinton and Ira Magaziner were busy creating what looked to be a byzantine new health care system, the interests invested in the status quo were busy positioning reform as an expensive government takeover of the health care system (sound familiar?).
The insurance companies, small business and their Republican allies went on the offensive with a simple, but powerful message platform that said reform will put the government in charge of your health care, preventing you from choosing your own doctor and driving up costs. And they hammered the point that Clinton-style reform would cost jobs, as small businesses would be forced to close. This was a powerful argument as the nation was just beginning to emerge from a recession.
The opposition repeated these messages over and over with remarkable discipline through the limited communications channels of those bygone days — advertising, media coverage and grassroots missives to Capitol Hill.
This is the lesson the Obama Administration and their congressional allies forgot. To date, they have failed to package and sell reform in a way that is compelling to the vast majority of Americans — those who have insurance, but are fearful that they will lose it.
Instead, the Administration initially focused on the economic arguments for health care reform, tying it to long-term economic recovery. While there is no question that health care reform is necessary for a return to prosperity, it’s a complex equation and one whose direct benefits are hard to touch and feel. Two essential principles of effective messages are simplicity and salience. The economic argument for health care reform is neither.
Focusing on the economics also begged the question of how reform would be paid for — a Pandora’s Box of massive proportions. By opening this Box, reform advocates lost control of the debate as Republicans seized on it as another example of the Administration’s profligate tax and spend approach to government and the Blue Dogs among others took to posturing over increased budget deficits (as Paul Krugman recently pointed out in the New York Times, one might have more admiration for the Blue Dogs fiscal purity had they been similarly outraged by the trillion dollar Bush tax cuts for the rich).
While it’s easy to second guess this approach now, the lesson from 1994 was clear. Health care reform is hard, it’s complex and it’s scary. If it’s not packaged and communicated through a set of messages that are credible, simple and salient, it will fail.
A simple message — if you have insurance, you won’t lose it if you lose your job (a huge concern given the economic climate) and if you don’t have insurance, you will have the opportunity to be covered — repeated consistently and driven through the various congressional proposals would have made it much harder for Republicans to derail it.
Following his widely panned press conference, the President has begun to shift the tone of his rhetoric to focus on the human element of reform and what it will mean to all Americans. This is a welcome shift. The question is if it’s too little, too late.
by Greg Stanko
Category: 2010 election, Congress, Issue Management, Public Affairs, White House, health care
Again some recent items from the week past…
U.S. News‘ “Washington Whispers” notes that the Government Accountability Office (GAO) has found that the Pentagon’s Iraq PR campaign to reach out to former military officials “did not violate the publicity or propaganda prohibition.” The GAO report, which was released back on July 21, received minimal media attention. A Google News search only found articles from the Associated Press and The Hill, along with pieces in some smaller trade publications.
In regard to the program, U.S. News further reports,
The GAO report, signed by Acting General Counsel Daniel Gordon, was requested by House and Senate Democrats who were concerned that the Pentagon was violating a law that prohibits using appropriations for propaganda. The GAO said that, unlike propaganda, the retired officers program was about helping pundits tell the straight story about the wars. “Federal agencies have a responsibility to inform the public about their activities and programs, explain their policies, and disseminate information in defense of those policies or an administration’s point of view,” the report said.
That said, the GAO did make one recommendation…
While DOD understandably values its ties with retired military officers, we believe that, before undertaking anything along the lines of the now-terminated program at issue in this decision, DOD should consider whether it needs to have additional policies and procedures in place to protect the integrity of, and public confidence in, its public affairs efforts and to ensure the transparency of its public relations activities.
The program created a huge brouhaha when David Barstow of The New York Times originally reported it in April 2008 and the reporting won a Pulitzer Prize. I have to admit that I am cynical by nature, but I have to admit was I underwhelmed by the story (its follow-up that focused on Gen. Barry McCaffrey’s business dealings, which was also addressed in the GAO report, was much more interesting). As one whose firm does government public relations work and as one who has a government client, I’ve always felt that much of the criticism of the government’s use of traditional public relations tactics and public relations firms was misplaced. Sure, there have been times when the line between public relations and propaganda has been crossed, but in vast majority of cases I find it sour grapes when groups complain that the government uses traditional public relations tactics or firms to make its case.
As I mentioned on my earlier Twitter post, it will be interesting to see how Congress reacts to this report. According to The Hill, Sen. Russ Feingold’s office had no immediate statement on it and, as of this morning, no statement appears on the Senator’s home page.
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The Times had a fascinating front pager yesterday in regard to the apparent cease fire between Fox News Channel’s Bill O’Reilly and MSNBC’s Keith Olbermann. The hosts’ bosses at General Electric and News Corporation agreed to have the hosts of their respective 8 PM cable news shows stop taking swipes at each other (or, in the case of O’Reilly, General Electric).
For those who have not been following the feud, here is a short recap. Olbermann, the ratings underdog, began by regularly challenging statements that O’Reilly made on his program. O’Reilly then retaliated by going after NBC News’ objectivity and, more importantly, General Electric’s business practices (although not usually referring to Olbermann by name). This led to a scene earlier this year when MSNBC critics (with an O’Reilly producer present) brought up many of O’Reilly’s complaints at a General Electric stock holders’ meeting. Those questions stopped when General Electric turned off the microphones.
I think first and foremost, the thing to remember is the the key word here is “apparent.” As Olbermann told the Times, he was not a party to the deal. Moreover, should a deal exist, it has not stopped other Fox hosts going after NBC and General Electric and other MSNBC hosts from going after Fox hosts, such as Glen Beck. Nor should they.
Moreover, the deal doesn’t seem to cover other corporate entities — the New York Post recently went after MSNBC’s David Shuster over an alleged tantrum. In short, both networks have had their share of cringe inducing moments and even if they aren’t brought up between 8-9 PM ET, they get coverage elsewhere.
In the end, I don’t see many of the big journalistic crises that others, such as Aaron Barnhart of the Kansas City Star, Salon’s Glen Greenwald and the team at Mediaite (run by MSNBC contributor Dan Abrams), do.
Would I like to have seen the feud continue.? Not really. It has long since become tiresome, especially on Olbermann’s part.
Does it reinforce some of the talking points that Greenwald and others make about “corporate media?” Yeah. But there is nothing stopping others, including others at MSNBC, from picking up Olbermann’s mantle (assuming he agrees to the terms of the deal).
Is there a winner here? Yes. Fox. The story makes it seem like General Electric sued for peace which means O’Reilly’s tactic of going after Olbermann’s employer worked. It also puts Olbermann, MSNBC’s most popular host, in a pickle. If he abides by the deal, he looks like he was muzzled and it hurts his credibility with his fan base. If he doesn’t, then he gives O’Reilly an excuse to go back after General Electric.
FWIW, Barnhart also links to Olbermann’s ratings over the past year click here. In short, Olbermann is back to about where he was this time last year.
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In his question of the day, Marc Ambinder of The Atlantic asks if the White House can turn around the health case debate in the next three weeks.
With the House having gone home for August recess and the Senate scheduled to do so at the end of the week, look for the war over health care to continue back in the states. I think the President and the Democrats have a lot of work to do to repair the damage that has been done to their position, as evidenced by the polls. But I wouldn’t count them out. Led by Speaker Nancy Pelosi, look for a lot of Democrats to go after insurance companies.
As Politico reported this morning, expect the insurance companies to push back (emphasis in the original)…
EXCLUSIVE — FOOD FIGHT AT THE TABLE — THE HEALTH INSURANCE INDUSTRY, LONELY IN THE LEGISLATIVE CROSSHAIRS, IS STARTING TO PUSH BACK, ACCUSING DEMOCRATS OF USING INSURERS AS A SCAPEGOAT — America’s Health Insurance Plans (AHIP — the national association representing nearly 1,300 member companies providing health insurance coverage to more than 200 million Americans) is urging the industry’s hundreds of thousands of employees to GO TO TOWN MEETINGS WITH MEMBERS OF CONGRESS IN AUGUST TO CONFRONT THEM on House Democrats’ top recess message — that health-reform legislation is “health insurance reform to hold insurance companies accountable.” The association’s positive TV ad will continue into this week, but look for the spots to toughen up soon.
AHIP’s director of strategic communications, Robert Zirkelbach, tells Playbook: “The American people want Washington to focus on solutions, not the same old divisive political rhetoric that hasn’t worked in the past. Our industry has offered to completely transform how health insurance is provided today. We have stepped up to do our part to make health-care reform a reality. That’s an INCONVENIENT FACT that some people have chosen to ignore. These attacks are politically motivated, and they ignore the significant commitment that our industry has made to the health-reform process. WE’RE GOING TO BE VERY ACTIVE. We have people on the ground in more than 30 states. There are thousands of industry employees WHO HAVE NOW HAD THEIR INTEGRITY CALLED INTO QUESTION. They want to have their voices heard as part of this.”
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While much of the attention has been paid to how the Democrats fight back on health care, I think the more interesting battle to watch is whether the Democrats start an internal civil war with the liberal wing of the party going after the more centrist wing (not just the House Blue Dogs). Last week alone, Sen. Tom Harkin suggested that the Senate Democrats vote on committee chairmanships by secret battle, a not not-to-subtle threat to Sen. Max Baucus, who helped broker the Senate Finance Committee’s reported deal. In the House, Rep. Maxine Waters suggested that the liberal wing of the party run liberal candidates in the upcoming Democratic primaries in an effort to elect candidates who are, well, more liberal.
This threat is not new, although much of the attention was paid in recent elections when conservative Republicans ran a similar campaign against moderate Republicans (see Lincoln Chaffee, Wayne Gilchrest and, most recently, Arlen Specter). In 2008, the liberal wing of the Democratic party unseated Rep. Al Wynn of Maryland and threatened to go after other Democrats who were not viewed as sufficiently anti-war. A recent cover story in National Journal noted that the elements in the party were working on a campaign to repeat the Wynn case in 2010 as part of an overall attempt to reduce the influence of the moderate wing of the party (including trying to undercut the legacy of the Clinton administration).
This strategy did not work well for Republicans. It will be interesting to see if the Democrats follow a similar path.
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The first NFL preseason game is next Sunday night — not a moment too soon. Yes, I AM ready for some football.
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For daily thoughts that are 140 characters or less, check me out on Twitter @gregstanko
Compassion in Hong Kong